Friday, 9 October 2026

Artha and the Civilisation: What Really Drives the Indian Economy

 


Any system rests on two principal components. One is the driving force behind the system's construction, and the other is the guiding force. This same criterion applies to an economy as well. There are many kinds of economies across the world, and each has its own driving and guiding force.

The American economy champions capitalism and encourages entrepreneurial daring, because its inspiration is individual liberty, the idea of "Life, Liberty, and the Pursuit of Happiness."

Japan too, through its tenacity and entrepreneurial drive, occupies an important place in the world. The British are inspired by maritime adventure.

China proudly calls itself a Civilisational State. Weaving together communist ideology and thousands of years of a proud history, drawing inspiration from that fusion, China has today become a global power.

In this same manner, this is an attempt to think in detail about what the driving and guiding forces behind the Indian economy are, and what their contribution has been to India's journey.

India, like China, is a nation with a cultural tradition thousands of years old. India is a nation founded on cultural nationalism, possessing cultural unity and integrity. From prehistoric times through the Indus-Saraswati civilisation, the Vedic age, the Mahajanapadas, empires, invasions, the period of slavery, the modern age, and now a march toward a bright, glorious future, such is the grand canvas of the Indian economy.

In various periods, under various emperors and various regimes, political unity did occur. But for most of the time, we see various dynasties ruling in various regions. They fought among themselves, for supremacy. Even so, the socio-economic system was essentially the same, barring very minor differences. What does "it was the same" mean?

The Idea of Wealth in Indian Thought:


The foundation of Indian culture and civilisation is Vedic literature. The scholar Shri Prasad Joshi, in his paper 'Concept of Wealth in Vedic Culture,' has unfolded and explained the idea of wealth in the Vedas. The following discussion is based on his exposition.

In the Vedas, two principal concepts have been put forward: अभ्युदय (Abhyudaya - worldly prosperity) and पुरुषार्थ (Purushartha - the goals of human life).

Abhyudaya refers to the thought of an individual's and a family's material prosperity and progress. Wealth creation, the urge to acquire more and more wealth, is universal. That is, the urge for abhyudaya is natural. And it ought to be there. But Indian thought never goes to any extreme. It does not endorse any kind of excess.

On one hand is the concept of abhyudaya, and it is welcomed; on the other hand, there is also the concept that it should be 'निःश्रेयस' (Nihshreyas - the highest good / ultimate liberation). Shreyas is the worship of what is excellent, while nihshreyas implies the conviction that this alone is best and nothing could be better than this. Nihshreyas is the ultimate goal, indeed, it is the concept that it ought to be.

In Indian thought, human life is woven around the purusharthas. धर्म (Dharma), अर्थ (Artha), काम (Kama) and मोक्ष (Moksha) are the four purusharthas. Achieving abhyudaya is inherent in purushartha. Artha and kama are related to abhyudaya. Kama is not limited merely to its physical meaning. Behind this term lies a broader meaning including desire, aspiration, craving, and so on. For the fulfilment of kama, 'artha' is intended within abhyudaya.

The various suktas and ruchas in the Vedas are invocations addressed to deities such as Indra, Agni, Varuna, Rudra, Marut, and others. Along with invocations for protection from calamities, there is a constant invocation that we be ever prosperous with wealth, riches, grain, cattle, and so on. Indeed, the word 'pashu' is now taken to mean animals, but it also has a meaning of wealth. Because in Vedic times, cattle, especially the cow, were considered a form of wealth.

A rucha from the Rigveda (1.89.9), "vyashema devahitam yadayuh," says that we shall continue to fully enjoy and experience this life given to us by the gods. The Shrisukta, still sung on various religious occasions, is a worship of Hiranyavarna, that is, Lakshmi, wealth.

In the Akshasukta of the Rigveda (10.34), the seer warns that one's wealth is destroyed by gambling. He insists that a person should earn wealth by farming. He calls for one to find joy in wealth earned through farming and hard work.

Individual and familial abhyudaya is a clear inspiration; it is part of purushartha. But this inspiration also carries the call of nihshreyas.

The Epics: An Inspiration for History, Culture, and the Economic System as Well

The Vedic-age social system was an evolving one. It was a period in which various concepts were becoming firmly established. Social, political and economic ideas became increasingly firm in the age of the Ramayana-Mahabharata and the Mahajanapadas that followed.

The economic system was expanding along with concepts of industry, trade and property. Malhar Krishna Gokhale has discussed how, amid all this, the epics serve as an inspiration for the economic system.

He argues that land was not the property of the State, that is, of the government. It was the property of individuals and families. Private ownership of land was accepted, and its purchase and sale were possible. And for that, proper measurement of land was done, and proper accounts were kept. Tax-revenue was levied on this property at a fixed rate. Similarly, from traders, a tax equal to one-fifth of the profit remaining after deducting expenses was levied. A fixed tax was also levied on artisans or industries producing goods.

The Banjara community, or system, had existed since ancient times. Its importance in trade and in the growth of wealth has always been emphasised. That is why there is a call to levy the minimum possible tax on it.

In the Rudradhyaya of the Yajurveda, a list of occupations is given. It includes farming, animal husbandry, charioteer, soothsayer, horse-keeper, elephant-keeper, cowherd, weaver, cloth-dyer, gardener, carpenter, metalwork, goldsmith, priest, physician, and so on. Livelihood and the science of earning it are called 'varta.' The sage Narada advised Yudhishthira that the essence of the people's joy and contentment lies in the proper development of 'varta.'

Industry and Trade: An Enduring Inspiration


In the Indian economy, the industry and trade sector has continuously made a tremendous contribution. Industry and trade always made an enormous contribution to the economic growth of the janapadas-mahajanapadas, kingdoms and empires. The system of governance too was favourable to this industry and trade. The importance of Arya Chanakya's saying 'rajyasya mulam artham' (the root of the state is wealth) was understood by all kingdoms and empires. In the epics too, kings are advised to give assurance of safety to the wealthy and keep them close, because they are the pillars of the state.

The ancient form of the industry and trade sector had various designations. Shreni, sangha, sarthavaha, nikaya, nigama were those designations. This trade was at the family level, within the joint family system, or several traders-entrepreneurs would come together to establish a sangha. The head of such a sangha was called shreshthi, jyeshthaka. An elder person in the family, or the eldest and most eminent person in a traders' guild, would hold this position. The present form of this designation is seen in 'Sheth,' 'Seth.'

The shreshthi and jyeshtha carried weight in the royal court. They participated in the machinery of the state. They were included in the king's inner circle. The shreshthi helped the king in managing the state's economy. This means that industry and trade received the state's encouragement, and traders' guilds held an important place in the state apparatus.

In India's history, there is an important contribution to the development of trade routes, the development of trade centres, and the development of rest-houses along trade routes. The sarthavaha, shreni, sangha, nikaya and others also made a great contribution to the development of historical and cultural sites.

Most of the caves across India are located along major trade routes. There are caves near Gharapuri, Shurparak (Nalasopara), and several ports. The Ajanta-Ellora caves lie on the major trade route from Ujjain to Ter to South India. The Pitalkhora caves, the caves in the Junnar area, the Karle-Bhaje caves, and the Naneghat itself lie on the trade route leading to the Shurparak port. In many caves, inscriptions and evidence are available showing that shreshthis of traders' guilds made donations to caves and temples.

Ancient Trade, Ajintha Painting

And this inspiration of industry and trade is not only of the past. The Indian Navy's sailing vessel INSV Kaundinya, a stitched ship of coir-sewn planks built by the ancient Tankai method and modelled on a fifth-century CE vessel in an Ajanta mural, carries that same tradition into our own time. 

Named after Kaundinya, the earliest Indian mariner known by name, and built through a tripartite effort of the Ministry of Culture, the Indian Navy and Hodi Innovations, she sailed from Porbandar to Muscat in 2025, retracing the old India–Gulf route. The industry and trade that once sent the shreshthis to endow caves along those routes now sails them again, proof that the inspiration behind the Indian economy is not confined to the past but, like the monsoon winds, flows into the present.

Is the Caste System a Driving Force Behind the Economic System?

The varna system and the caste system are distinctive features of Indian civilisation. The question of how that system arose, its journey toward birth-based caste, and the various discussions about its unjust and exploitative nature are not considered in detail here.

In the following discussion, no support whatsoever is offered for the birth-based caste system. In considering the inspiration behind the economy, whether the caste system has any part in it has been considered merely as one viewpoint.

Shri Pramod Pathak has made the following argument. The 'Thermo Mechanical' process required for steel-making was known in ancient times only to Indians. In the 13th night's tale of the famous 'Arabian Nights,' there is a description of Indian steel of the finest quality. This art and skill needed to be kept secret. For that, Indians developed their own method, of conducting "roti-beti" (interdining and intermarriage) transactions within occupation-based groups. The Manusmriti underwent repeated changes, and it provided a kind of protection to occupation-based groups.

This system continued for many centuries. From time to time, some improvements occurred in it at the economic level and at the technological level. Alongside traders' guilds, producer shrenis-guilds also emerged and grew. In them too, a system of shreshthi and the like arose. But the birth-based caste system and the occupational restrictions based on it did not change much in this arrangement.

According to by Dr. Sadanand More, a scholar of Sant literature, a great chain came and went in India, from Bhagwan Mahavira and Bhagwan Buddha to Mahatma Basaveshwara, to the Sant tradition, and to modern social reformers. In reducing the hold of ritualism and the exploitative, burning yoke of Sanatan Dharma, and in bringing about some change by taking progressive steps, each was more or less successful. But none could completely destroy this birth-based caste system. That system was fundamentally shaken only by the advent of British rule.

During the British period, a modern education system arrived. This made available the opportunity of modern education irrespective of birth-based caste. Whether education became universal and widespread is a question that remains present even today. But the fact is this: the opportunity for education became available.

With the British system of governance, industries came up in the economic sphere. Industries led to the growth of cities. In the industrial sector, the factor of birth-based caste became somewhat secondary. In the various departments of British rule, those who had until then been denied opportunity began to get jobs. In some princely states with modern, progressive ideas, such as Travancore, Kolhapur, Baroda, Aundh, an era of modernisation arrived.

In the Kolhapur princely state, a policy of employment based on merit rather than caste was implemented for the first time. Maharaja Sayajirao of Baroda played an important role in shaping a figure like Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar. Of course, as all this was happening, the seeds of new caste equations and new caste-based conflict were also sown, that too is equally true. Its discussion is out of place here.

Modern Inspiration:

In the post-independence period, the rulers of India chose the path of a 'Socialistic Pattern of Society.' There, there was no encouragement for private, individual enterprise or entrepreneurship. Indeed, earning profit was regarded as a condemnable thing.

In considering modern inspirations, the year 2014 is one that brought a fundamental change. This change is one of thought, of outlook. There is encouragement for enterprise and entrepreneurship. That encouragement is not merely verbal or theoretical, but at the policy level. This changed outlook is visible in future-oriented policies such as Start-up, Stand-up, Mudra, PM SVANIDHI, Make in India, and Atmanirbhar Bharat.

In Indian thought, there is constant support and encouragement for private property and private industry-trade. That tradition is once again being implemented in a modern form. The start-ups beginning across India are a sign of this very thing. The goal of becoming self-reliant in all sectors, industry, trade, the service sector, and agriculture, has been set. Indian thought, the inspiration within Indian thought, is once again guiding the economy in a forceful manner. From that, it is certain that India's future is bright.

Wednesday, 7 October 2026

Solar Power; People's Power

Illuminating Households, Reducing Dependency, Conserving Environment

For decades, energy security was largely understood through one question: How much oil and gas can a country secure, and from where? That question has become more complicated in recent years.

Wars, sanctions, disruptions to shipping routes, geopolitical tensions and fragile global supply chains have repeatedly demonstrated that energy is not merely an economic commodity. It is a matter of national security, strategic autonomy and economic resilience.

The recent disruption around the Strait of Hormuz is a powerful reminder. Before the conflict, roughly 20 million barrels of oil a day moved through the waterway; during the disruption, flows fell sharply, creating repercussions across crude oil, refined products, LPG, transportation and the wider global economy. The International Energy Agency described the episode as the largest supply disruption in the history of the global oil market.

For India, the lesson is particularly important. India is the world's third-largest consumer of crude oil, while its energy demand is expected to continue growing rapidly as the economy expands.

This does not mean abandoning conventional energy overnight. It means something more strategic: diversifying the energy basket, reducing avoidable external vulnerabilities and building the capacity to produce more of our energy at home.

That is where solar power enters the story.

Solar is not simply about replacing one source of electricity with another. It is about transforming the architecture of India's energy economy, from dependence on imported fuel towards domestic resources; from a few large generators towards millions of producers; from consumers of energy towards prosumers; and from energy as a recurring expenditure towards energy as an asset.

The sun, unlike crude oil, does not have to be imported.

From Paris to a National Solar Mission

India's solar journey did not begin with rooftop panels. It began with a recognition that the energy transition had to be simultaneously about development, climate responsibility and energy security.

At COP21 in Paris in 2015, India and France jointly launched the International Solar Alliance (ISA). The Alliance was conceived to bring together solar-rich countries and mobilise finance, technology and capacity for faster deployment of solar energy.

The idea reflected a distinctly Indian proposition: the countries that receive the greatest abundance of sunlight should not remain the most energy-poor.

Three years later, India advanced an even larger idea, One Sun, One World, One Grid (OSOWOG): the vision of interconnected electricity grids that could enable renewable power generated where the sun is shining to complement demand elsewhere.

At COP26 in Glasgow, India placed this ambition within a broader national commitment, the Panchamrit framework, with the goal of reaching 500 GW of non-fossil fuel-based installed electricity capacity by 2030 and achieving Net Zero emissions by 2070.

The significance of this journey lies not merely in the targets. India began building the ecosystem required to make those targets achievable.

From targets to an ecosystem

Under Prime Minister Narendra Modi, India's renewable-energy strategy has increasingly moved beyond simply installing solar capacity.

It now addresses the entire value chain: land, transmission, manufacturing, finance, technology, storage, distribution and, most importantly, consumers.

The Production Linked Incentive (PLI) scheme for high-efficiency solar PV modules is one part of this effort. Domestic solar module capacity has expanded dramatically from the levels seen in 2014, while policy instruments such as the Approved List of Models and Manufacturers have sought to strengthen domestic manufacturing and quality standards.

This is the manufacturing dimension of Aatmanirbharta.

But Aatmanirbharta cannot stop at manufacturing panels. A genuinely resilient energy system must also diversify where electricity is generated.

That is why India's solar strategy has deliberately moved in several directions at once: large solar parks, decentralised generation, agricultural solarisation, rooftop solar, floating solar, battery storage and solar-powered mobility and industry.

The result is visible in the numbers.

India's installed solar capacity has risen from just 2.82 GW in March 2014. The then UPA Govt had set a target to increase to 20GW by 2022. 

Under the leadership of PM Modi, the scope widened so much that it is 168.04 GW by August 2026, a nearly sixty-fold increase. Solar now includes 123.99 GW of ground-mounted capacity, 32.59 GW of grid-connected rooftop solar, 4.83 GW in hybrid projects and 6.63 GW of off-grid solar.

At the broader level, India's total non-fossil capacity had reached 304.33 GW by August 2026.

And this transition is no longer only about future promises. India crossed 50% of installed electricity capacity from non-fossil sources in June 2025, five years ahead of its Paris NDC timeline.

The next challenge: from generation to a resilient energy system

Nagpur: Emerging Hub of Solar Tech Manufacturing

India's solar story is impressive, but the next phase will be more complex.

Solar generation is variable: the sun shines during the day, not throughout the night. As solar's share rises, India therefore needs more transmission, storage, flexible generation, pumped storage, batteries and smarter grids.

This is why the next stage of Aatmanirbharta must extend beyond panels.

It must encompass:

Solar modules → cells → wafers → polysilicon → batteries → storage → transmission → smart grids → domestic technology.

Government policy is increasingly moving in this direction. India has been expanding transmission infrastructure for large renewable-energy zones, supporting battery energy storage and promoting pumped-storage projects to integrate variable renewable generation.

The objective is not to create a solar-heavy electricity system that is dependent on imported components or inadequate storage.

It is to create an integrated Indian clean-energy ecosystem.

That is the deeper meaning of Aatmanirbharta in energy.

The farmer becomes an Urjadata


One of the most important changes in India's solar story is that the transition is moving beyond power plants and into the fields.

Agriculture is both an important consumer of electricity and, in many parts of India, a major consumer of diesel for irrigation. Solarisation therefore offers a double dividend: lower dependence on fossil fuel and more reliable energy for farming.

This is the logic behind Pradhan Mantri Kisan Urja Suraksha evam Utthaan Mahabhiyan - PM-KUSUM.

The scheme has three broad pillars: decentralised renewable-energy plants, standalone solar agricultural pumps and solarisation of existing grid-connected agricultural pumps and feeders. It is designed not merely to provide farmers with electricity, but to enable them to participate in electricity generation itself.

The farmer can therefore move from being only an Annadata to also becoming an Urjadata.

The scale is already significant. As of August 2026, nearly 11.49 lakh off-grid solar pumps had been installed, more than 15.89 lakh agricultural pumps had been covered through feeder-level solarisation, around 1,726 MW of decentralised solar capacity had been commissioned on farmers' land, and more than 21.77 lakh farmers had benefited.

Under appropriate arrangements, farmers can also generate electricity and sell surplus power to DISCOMs.

This changes the economics of rural energy.

A solar pump does not require a diesel tanker. It does not depend on imported crude. And once installed, sunlight itself becomes the fuel.

The rooftop revolution: the household becomes a power producer

PM Surya Ghar: Jan Bhagidari at work.. 

If PM-KUSUM takes solar to the farm, PM Surya Ghar: Muft Bijli Yojana takes it to the home.

Launched in February 2024 with an outlay of ₹75,021 crore, the scheme aims to install rooftop solar systems in one crore households.

The significance of the programme is larger than the subsidy itself.

A household that installs rooftop solar is no longer merely purchasing electricity. It can generate electricity, consume what it produces and, under the applicable net-metering arrangements, feed surplus electricity into the grid.

The electricity meter therefore becomes a symbol of a larger change: the consumer can become a producer.

The programme is already demonstrating mass participation. By 19 March 2026, 26.19 lakh rooftop solar systems had been installed under PM Surya Ghar, with ₹17,967.53 crore in Central Financial Assistance disbursed.

This is perhaps the most important social dimension of the solar transition.

A large solar park can add gigawatts to the grid. But millions of rooftops create something different: millions of citizens participating directly in the energy transition.

States take the transition closer to the citizen

The strength of India's solar model lies also in the way the Union and State governments are building on each other's initiatives.

States are adapting the national framework to their own geography, agriculture, electricity systems and household needs.

Maharashtra: Solarising agriculture at scale

Maharashtra provides one of the strongest examples of how solar is being integrated into agricultural power supply.

Under Magel Tyala Saur Krushi Pump Yojana, farmers can receive solar agricultural pumps with a very low beneficiary contribution, 10% for general-category farmers and 5% for SC/ST farmers, with the balance supported through government subsidy. The scheme provides daytime irrigation power without the recurring electricity burden of conventional agricultural pumps.

The State has simultaneously pursued Mukhyamantri Saur Krushi Vahini Yojana 2.0, aimed at supplying reliable daytime power to agricultural consumers through decentralised solar generation.

The scale is striking: Maharashtra reported 6,63,324 solar agricultural pumps installed under PM-KUSUM-B and the Magel Tyala Saur Pump scheme by early 2026. It also reported a record 45,911 solar pumps installed in a single month-long period in late 2025.

This is solar power being translated into something farmers immediately understand: daytime electricity, lower running costs and greater energy security.

Goa: solar power reaching the household

Goa has adapted the rooftop model to its own compact, high-consumption residential landscape.

Under Goem Vinamulya Vij Yevjan 2024, the State sought to provide rooftop solar systems of up to 5 kW to eligible residential consumers consuming 400 units or less per month, dovetailing the State support with PM Surya Ghar. The objective was simple and tangible: move households towards zero electricity bills while expanding residential solar generation.

The scheme initially targeted 10 MW of residential rooftop capacity, with an initial State financial commitment of ₹35 crore. By the end of 2025, subsidy had been released to 1,003 beneficiaries, according to Goa's Economic Survey.

Goa's approach is important because it demonstrates how national policy can be translated into a local proposition that people immediately understand: put a power plant on your roof and reduce your dependence on the grid.

Other states, different models

The same principle is visible across India.

Gujarat has developed Surya Gujarat for residential rooftop solar and has also experimented with the Suryashakti Kisan Yojana, linking solar generation with agricultural pumps.

Tamil Nadu operates a Chief Minister's Scheme of Solar Powered Pumpsets, providing subsidised standalone solar pumping systems to farmers.

Rajasthan has integrated solar pumps, decentralised plants and feeder solarisation through its PM-KUSUM implementation architecture; by December 2025, 838 solar power plants with 2,162 MW capacity had been commissioned under its agricultural solarisation initiatives.

Delhi, meanwhile, has layered a State capital subsidy onto PM Surya Ghar, demonstrating how States can use additional incentives to accelerate household adoption.

The models differ, but the underlying philosophy is the same: bring energy generation closer to the citizen.

From government programme to people's movement

The real test of any energy transition is not how impressive the policy document looks. It is whether people adopt it.

Solar is beginning to pass that test.

India added 44.61 GW of solar capacity in FY 2025–26, and distributed solar alone contributed 16.3 GW - 36% of the annual addition. Of this, 7.6 GW came through PM-KUSUM and 8.7 GW through rooftop solar.

This is an important structural change.

For decades, electricity infrastructure was something that governments and utilities built while citizens consumed the output.

Now, households, farmers, cooperatives, local institutions, entrepreneurs and communities can all become part of the generation system.

A farmer can lease land for a solar project. A household can install panels on its roof. A housing society can generate electricity for common facilities. A village can become a model solar village. An entrepreneur can build and maintain solar installations.

A young person can find employment in installation, operations, maintenance, manufacturing, engineering and energy services.

This is why the solar transition should not be understood only through the language of megawatts.

It must also be understood through livelihoods, savings, participation and ownership.

The economic dividend of the solar transition

The first benefit is obvious: energy security.

Every unit of electricity generated from sunlight is a unit that does not require coal, gas or imported petroleum as its primary energy source.

The second is household savings.

For a family with an appropriate rooftop system, solar can reduce electricity expenditure and, depending on the system and metering arrangement, allow surplus generation to be exported to the grid.

The third is farmer empowerment.

Solar pumps reduce dependence on diesel and provide daytime power for irrigation. Solarisation can also create opportunities for farmers to earn from electricity generation.

The fourth is industrial development.

The transition is creating demand for modules, cells, inverters, batteries, cables, mounting structures, electronics, engineering services and maintenance. The objective of domestic manufacturing policy is therefore not simply to produce panels; it is to create a deeper Indian energy-technology value chain.

The fifth is employment.

Solar is inherently distributed. Every installation requires local surveying, installation, electrical work, maintenance and servicing. The expansion of rooftop and decentralised solar therefore creates opportunities far beyond the large manufacturing plant.

And the sixth is environmental.

Solar power produces electricity without the direct combustion emissions associated with coal-based generation and without the continuing fuel requirement of fossil-fuel power plants. Reducing fossil-fuel dependence therefore serves both energy security and environmental sustainability.

From energy security to energy freedom

The story of India's solar transition can therefore be read at three levels.

At the national level, it is about strategic autonomy, reducing exposure to volatile global fuel markets and geopolitical disruptions.

At the economic level, it is about building Indian manufacturing, technology, infrastructure and jobs around a rapidly growing sector.

At the people's level, it is about turning farmers, households and communities into participants in energy production.

The numbers show how far this journey has already travelled.

From 2.82 GW of solar capacity in 2014 to 168.04 GW in August 2026.

From an energy system in which the consumer simply paid the electricity bill to one in which millions of consumers can generate electricity themselves.

From a farmer dependent on diesel or uncertain power supply to the possibility of becoming an Urjadata.

From importing energy to increasingly generating it at home.

And from treating climate action as a constraint on development to demonstrating that energy security, economic growth and environmental responsibility can reinforce one another.

India's solar journey is therefore not merely a story about panels.

It is a story about resilience.

It is a story about Aatmanirbharta.

It is a story about people becoming participants rather than merely consumers.

And ultimately, it is a story about changing India's relationship with energy itself.

For a country that must power hundreds of millions of homes, farms, factories, businesses and aspirations, the greatest energy resource may be the one that arrives every morning, without a tanker, without a pipeline, without a shipping route and without an invoice.

The sun rises for everyone. India's task is to turn that sunlight into energy security, economic opportunity and a cleaner future for every Indian.


Friday, 2 October 2026

Samarth Ramdas: Cultivating the Social and Cultural Ground for Swarajya



The establishment of Hindavi Swarajya cannot be understood as the achievement of a single individual, a single battle, or even a single stream of thought. It was the product of a long historical process in which political ambition, military organisation, social mobilisation, religious consciousness, local traditions and individual leadership converged.

At the centre of that transformation stood Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj, who translated the idea of self-rule into an organised political reality. But alongside the political and military movement ran another, quieter process: the preparation of the mind, character and social will necessary for such a transformation.

It is in this parallel process that the contribution of Samarth Ramdas deserves examination.

The argument need not be that Ramdas "created" Shivaji's Swarajya, nor that he was the political mastermind behind it, there is insufficient historical basis for so sweeping a claim. Equally, it would be reductive to dismiss him as merely a saint whose activities had no relationship with the political and social transformation of seventeenth-century Maharashtra.

A more useful formulation is this: Shivaji Maharaj gave political and military form to the aspiration for Swarajya; Samarth Ramdas worked upon the social, moral and spiritual forces that could strengthen such an aspiration. The two operated in different spheres, but their spheres could, and historically did, compliment. 

A Maharashtra searching for a new direction

The Maharashtra of the seventeenth century was not an empty political landscape waiting for one extraordinary man to appear.

Shahaji Raje Bhonsale, father of Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj, had himself attempted to preserve and revive the Nizamshahi and had pursued independent political possibilities. Shivaji Maharaj's subsequent project therefore needs to be situated within a longer political experience of the Bhonsale family and the Deccan, and modern historians have cautioned against explaining his achievement solely through the influence of any one saint or individual.

Yet another question is even more important: why did ordinary people respond to Shivaji Maharaj's project?

A few Deshmukhs, Patils and established Maratha sardars could not by themselves have created the extensive military and administrative structure that eventually emerged as Swarajya. Shivaji's extraordinary achievement lay in converting people of relatively modest social and military standing into disciplined soldiers, officers, administrators and commanders. That required more than a political idea; it required a change in the psychology of society.

This is where the broader Bhakti tradition becomes important. The Warkari tradition, the Mahanubhav tradition and other devotional currents had already created an enormous cultural world in Maharashtra. Saint-poets had carried spiritual ideas into the language of ordinary people, and Sant Eknath, Sant Tukaram and others made religious thought accessible far beyond the confines of Sanskritic learning.

But the streams were not identical. The distinction drawn by Marathi thinkers such as Narhar Kurundkar is particularly useful here. Eknath's writings could contain an unmistakable call to social awakening, while Tukaram's devotional universe placed far greater emphasis on bhakti and spiritual transformation. Ramdas entered this cultural world with a markedly different emphasis: भक्ती joined with प्रयत्न, सामर्थ्य, विवेक and कर्म. His significance, then, lies not in replacing the Bhakti tradition but in giving another direction to the energy of Bhakti, turning its warmth towards will.

The Journey That Changed Ramdas

According to the traditional account, Ramdas spent twelve years in spiritual discipline at Takli (Nashik) before undertaking an extensive pilgrimage across India. His travels exposed him to conditions that deeply affected his understanding of religion, society and political power.

The anguish of that experience is captured in the Tirthavaliche Dandigaan:

देवस्थाने उदंड होती। आता झालें म्लेंछ नृपती।।

ठाई ठाई उरूस भरती रे रे रे।  कीर्ती उदंड सांगती रे।।

आत्माराम तो ठाई ठाई।  नांदे म्लेच्छांचे हृदयी।।

तेथे फोडोनि पाहती काई रे रे रे।  तेणे करिता सर्व चाले सर्वही रे ।।

दास म्हणे देव हा येक।  येर सकळही माईक।।

पाहणे तो अंतर्विवेक रे रे रे रे। तेणे होतसे साधक रे।।

A close rendering would be:

There were once countless sacred places; now Islamic rulers hold sway.

At place after place, Oors (fairs and gatherings) are held, and their fame is proclaimed.

Yet the Aatmaram is present everywhere, even in the hearts of those regarded as adversaries.

What is gained merely by breaking open and looking outward?

The Divine is One; all else is transient.

It is through inner discrimination that one becomes a true seeker.

The passage contains an important complexity.

Ramdas expresses deep concern over the condition of Hindu sacred institutions, but his response is not simply one of hostility towards the religious other. The concluding emphasis is on अंतर्विवेक, inner discrimination, and on the unity of the Divine.

His response to the crisis he perceived was therefore not merely lamentation.

It was awakening, organisation and action.

The experience appears to have contributed to a broader realisation: that the preservation of a society's religious and cultural life also required social strength and political agency, sovereignty. Spiritual realisation alone could not substitute for collective effort.

From Spiritual Realisation to Social Responsibility

The foundation of Ramdas's thought can be described as a synthesis of ज्ञान, भक्ती and कर्म.

He did not advocate a spirituality that demanded withdrawal from worldly responsibility. His conception of bhakti was rooted in प्रवृत्तीधर्म, the fulfilment of one's duties while dedicating one's actions to the Divine.

In this understanding, the world is not something to be abandoned merely because it is imperfect. It is the field in which one's dharma must be performed.

This gives Ramdas's thought an unusual dynamism.

This is also why the Dasbodh reads so differently from a purely contemplative spiritual text. It is concerned not merely with metaphysical questions but with how a spiritually grounded person should conduct himself in society, how he should think, act, recognise people, exercise prudence, organise affairs and discharge responsibility. 

The Dasbodh does not teach fatalism; it teaches prayatnavada, effort. "यत्न तो देव जाणावा" effort itself is to be known as God.

The famous formulation captures the principle:

सामर्थ्य आहे चळवळीचें।

जो जो करील तयाचें।

परंतु तेथे भगवंताचें।

अधिष्ठान पाहिजे॥

The power to move lies in action; whatever one undertakes bears the fruit of one's effort. But that effort must have the foundation of the Divine.

For Ramdas, therefore, divine faith was not an excuse for inaction. Faith was the foundation of action.


The Politics of Character

This is perhaps where Ramdas's contribution becomes most distinctive.

He did not command Shivaji Maharaj's armies. He did not administer forts or collect revenue. He did not conduct diplomacy with the Mughal Empire or the Deccan Sultanates.

He worked upon something different: the character of the individual and the strength of society.

The Ramdasi tradition developed institutions, centres, disciples and networks through which his teachings could travel. The emphasis on बलोपासना, particularly through Hanuman worship and physical culture, gave concrete expression to the idea that strength itself could be cultivated as a social virtue.

The objective was not strength for its own sake.

It was strength placed at the service of dharma and duty.

Thus, the Ramdasi network can be understood as a form of social infrastructure, religious and cultural centres through which ideas, discipline and a sense of collective purpose could travel from one locality to another.

This is the context in which the tradition's association with Maruti temples, akhadas and Balopasana becomes significant. It was a method of cultivating both the body and the mind.

Ramdas and the Ideal Ruler

Ramdas's writings also make it impossible to portray him as concerned exclusively with private devotion.

Consider his description of the ideal king:

गनिमाच्या देखता फौजा। 

रणशूरांच्या फुरफुर्ती भुजा। 

ऐसा पाहिजे राजा कैपक्षी परमार्थी।।

The verse can be rendered:

The king should possess an army that stands before the enemy and warriors whose arms surge with courage; yet he must also remain oriented towards the higher purpose.

The ideal ruler is therefore not merely a conqueror.

He must possess: courage + preparedness + vigilance + strategic ability + higher purpose.

Ramdas continues:

तयास देखता दुर्जन धाके। 

बैसवी प्रचितीचे तडाखे। 

बंडपाखंडाचे वाखे। 

सहजचि होती।।

हे धूर्तपणाचे कामे। 

राजकारण करावे नेमे। 

ढिलेपणाच्या संभ्रमे। 

जाऊ नये।।

The vocabulary is unmistakably practical.

The ruler must understand the enemy, recognise circumstances, employ strategy and avoid laxity.

Ramdas's political thought therefore does not glorify power as an end in itself. It asks that power be combined with responsibility and moral purpose.

Ramdas and Shivaji: counsel, not causation

Popular memory loves the picture of the saint blessing the king. History is more careful. There is no credible evidence of a Ramdas–Shivaji convergence between 1649 and 1670; there is credible evidence of their meetings after 1670, most famously at Shinganwadi, where the counsel given is traditionally identified with the Laghubodh section of the Dasbodh. 

Scholars such as Setumadhavarao Pagadi have questioned the older, romanticised claims, and Ramdas himself never wrote that he had made Shivaji. Kurundkar's point stands: the question of guru-and-disciple is beside the mark. What is certain is that Ramdas and the Ramdasi Panth contributed enormously to the awakening, and that the saint's counsel ran with Shivaji's politics rather than ahead of it.

The counsel itself is kshatriya to the core. To Shivaji, the tradition records him saying:

बहुता दिसाचे बंड। म्लेंच्छ माजले उदंड। त्याचे करुनि दुखंड। राज्य करावे॥

"For long years the revolt has festered; the mlecchas have grown insolent and numerous. Having shattered them in two, you should rule."

The duty is not conquest but restoration; "राज्य करावे" rule, is the kshatriya's obligation, not his appetite. 

Ramdas is explicit that this is Shivaji's swadharma: "Your chief dharma is kshatriya-dharma. Men of kshatriya-dharma must protect the kingdom and nurture the people, serve the gods and the Brahmanas… It is Raghupati's wish that the mleccha-domination of this earth be ended through your hands."

The grammar of leadership in the Dasbodh verses quoted above is exact: readiness (an army before the enemy), energy (eager arms), and above all dhurtapan (shrewdness), yoked to paramartha, the ultimate good. "ढिलेपण"(slackness), is the vice that undoes a kingdom.

It is precisely this that S. M. Mate, in 'Sant, Pant ani Tant', captures when he writes that Ramdas revived and re-energised the whole current of pravritti, sweeping away the charge of meanness levelled at worldly life, and put his hand even into the "tamasic" politics of his day. Ramdas did not give Shivaji a political mantra, and did not conduct politics as Shivaji's equal. But he wove a politics that clung to Shivaji's own and served his success, of that there can be no doubt.

Beyond Shivaji: the letter to Sambhaji and the prayer for the king

When Shivaji died in 1680, Ramdas, wrote to the young Sambhaji a long letter titled 'अखंड सावधान असावे। दुश्चित कदापि नसावे।।' meaning, Be ever vigilant; never lose the courage of the mind; give up anger; forgive old servants and keep them working, so that idleness does not breed mischief. 

And he warns against the fatal Maratha vice internal quarrel: "दोघे भांडता तिसरा जय" when two fight, a third wins. Gather many, fill them with one thought, and fall upon the mlecchas; preserve what you hold, gain more, and make the Maratha Rajya everywhere.

Most moving is his prayer for the king's prosperity. In his Bhavani stotra, addressing Tuljabhavani, the family goddess of the Bhosales, Ramdas asks for one thing:

येकची मागणे आता। द्यावे ते मजकारणे। तुझा तू वाढवी राजा। सीघ्र आम्हाची देखता॥

"One thing alone I beg of you now; grant it to me for this reason: may You Yourself expand the king(dom) swiftly, on seeing us."

The line "तुझा तू वाढवी राजा" refers to expansion of kingdom instead of an individual king. It is the clearest textual instance of Ramdas praying for the establishment of Hindavi Rajya. 

And when Ramdas set down his portrait of the king himself, he gave the tradition the abhang it still sings as जाणता राजा:

निश्चयाचा महामेरु। बहुत जनांसी आधारु। अखंड स्थितीचा निर्धारु। श्रीमंत योगी॥ यशवंत कीर्तिवंत। सामर्थ्यवंत वरदवंत। पुण्यवंत नीतिवंत। जाणता राजा॥ देव धर्म गोब्राह्मण। करावया संरक्षण। हृदयस्थ जाला नारायण। प्रेरणा केली॥ या भूमंडळाचें ठायीं। धर्म रक्षी ऐसा नाहीं। महाराष्ट्रधर्म राहिला कांही। तुम्हां कारणे॥

"The great mountain of determination; the support of multitudes; unflinching in his steadfast resolve; a shriman yogi. Victorious, famed, powerful, blessed; virtuous, principled, the knowing king. To protect God, Dharma and the cow-and-Brahmana, Narayana became indwelling and gave him inspiration. Across this whole earth there is none who so guards Dharma; the Maharashtra-dharma survives still, thanks to you."

Here is the "parallel force" thesis in the saint's own voice. The last line, महाराष्ट्रधर्म राहिला कांहीं। तुम्हां कारणे "Maharashtra-dharma survives only because of you" is Ramdas's own testimony that the political achievement was what preserved the dharma. And the phrase "देव धर्म गोब्राह्मण" leads directly to the most contested label of all.

The second wheel

Rajwade was right that Bhakti, left to itself, did not make a kingdom, and wrong to conclude that the saint-poets therefore had nothing to do with it. Eknath lit the fire; Tukaram warmed the household; and Ramdas, arriving in Maharashtra around 1648-49, built the network that turned warmth into will. He did not found Hindavi Swarajya. Shivaji did that, by his own genius, against odds that would have broken most men.

But Ramdas ran beside him. He forged Balopasana and the akhadas that made strong bodies; he planted Maruti temples as centres of courage; he sent Ramdasis into the villages with the idea of Swarajya; he prayed to Bhavani for the prosperity of the king; and when the king was gone, he held the young Sambhaji to the ideal of an unbroken Maharashtra.

That is what it means to be a parallel force. One wheel is the sword and the state; the other is the saint and the awakening. Neither turns the cart alone, and each needs the other to move at all. The political achievement gave the dharma a shelter; the spiritual and social awakening gave the politics its people. Samarth Ramdas did not cause Hindavi Swarajya, but he made it possible, and then he made it last, by teaching a people that strength is a form of worship and that to protect dharma is the highest devotion.

Conclusion: When Bhakti Became Strength

The greatest contribution of Samarth Ramdas to the age of Shivaji Maharaj may therefore not lie in a single meeting, a single instruction or even a single text.

It lies in a larger transformation of the meaning of भक्ती.

Bhakti did not have to mean withdrawal. Renunciation did not have to mean indifference to society. Spirituality did not have to mean helplessness.

For Ramdas, the devotee could also be disciplined, courageous, physically strong, intellectually alert and socially responsible.

This was not the construction of a kingdom in the administrative sense.

That was Shivaji Maharaj's historic task. He did not need to be the architect of Shivaji Maharaj's political strategy to have contributed to the social and spiritual climate in which Swarajya could acquire depth and durability. He stood beside the larger movement as a teacher of सामर्थ्य, प्रयत्न, विवेक and कर्तव्य.

One transformed sovereignty. The other helped transform consciousness. One established the political reality. The other strengthened the moral and social energy surrounding that reality.

In that larger historical canvas, the contribution of Samarth Ramdas deserves its rightful place.


Sunday, 2 August 2026

स्वतंत्र भारतातील विद्यार्थी चळवळी

विद्यार्थी.. या नावात, संकल्पनेतच एक ऊर्जा आहे. प्रश्न विचारणारी, बंडखोरी करणारी ऊर्जा आहे. 

पारंपरिक भारतीय शिक्षणपद्धती शैक्षणिक परिप्रेक्ष्यात प्रश्न विचारण्याला, बंडखोरीला उत्तेजन आहे. भारतीय शिक्षणपद्धतीत गहन विषय गुरू-शिष्यांमधील प्रश्नोत्तरांतूनच उलगडत गेले आहेत. 

काळ पुढे सरकत गेला तसं विद्यार्थ्यांमधील बंडखोरीच्या कक्षा विस्तारल्या. विद्यार्थ्यांच्या प्रश्नांसोबतच अधिक व्यापक राजकीय, सामाजिक मुद्द्यांवर विद्यार्थीप्रणित आंदोलने जगभर झाली. काही यशस्वी, काही अयशस्वी तर काही नव्या व्यवस्थेला जन्म देणाऱ्या चळवळी जन्माला आल्या. 

स्वातंत्र्याच्या पूर्वसंध्येला महात्मा गांधींनी 'स्वतंत्र भारताच्या सरकारांनी योग्य कारभार केला नाही तर स्वतंत्र भारतात जन्माला आलेली पिढी या व्यवस्थेला प्रश्न विचारणार, त्याविरुद्ध बंड करून उठणार. त्यावेळी मी त्या पिढीच्या पाठीशी उभा राहीन.' असे वक्तव्य केले होते. 

त्याप्रमाणे खरोखरच स्वतंत्र भारतात जन्माला आलेल्या पिढीने, त्यातही मुख्यतः एका जनआंदोलनाची सुरुवात केली. त्या विद्यार्थी चळवळीची ठिणगी पाहता पाहता मोठी झाली आणि आणीबाणीच्या मार्गे एक काहीशी अपयशी पण दूरगामी परिणाम करणारी लोकशाही मार्गाने झालेल्या क्रांतीत परावर्तित झाली. हे जनांदोलन म्हणजेच नवनिर्माण आंदोलन. नवनिर्माण आंदोलन आणि जेएनयू मधले आंदोलन ते विद्यमान CJP आंदोलन यांच्यात काही एक संगती आहे का? सध्याचे आंदोलन खरंच तेवढ्या क्षमतेचे होऊ शकेल की त्याची एक स्वप्नाळू अखेर होईल? 

नवनिर्माण आंदोलन: आणीबाणी आणि गणंग नेत्यांचा उदय

ते वर्ष होते १९७३-७४. गुजरात मधल्या  एलडी अभियांत्रिकी महाविद्यालयातील मेसचे दर वाढवण्यात आले. शेंगदाणा तेलाचे दर वाढल्यामुळे मेसचे दर वाढवल्याचे महाविद्यालय प्रशासनाने स्पष्ट केले. त्या वर्षी गुजरातचे प्रमुख नगदी पीक असलेल्या शेंगदाण्याचे बंपर पीक आले होते. 

अर्थशास्त्राच्या मूलगामी नियमानुसार पुरवठा वाढला आणि मागणी कमी असेल किंवा आहे तेवढीच असेल तर उत्पादनाचे दर कमी होतात. पण तत्कालीन व्यवस्थेत काळाबाजार, साठेबाजी, कृत्रिम टंचाई, मक्तेदारी या सरकारी धोरणांमुळे निर्माण झालेल्या गोष्टी होत्या. या पार्श्वभूमीवर हा घटनाक्रम सरळसोट वाटत असला तरी त्यातील घोळ लक्षात घेता विद्यार्थ्यांनी आंदोलन सुरू केले. 

त्या आंदोलनात आपापले राजकीय हिशेब चुकते करण्यासाठी राजकारणाने प्रवेश केला. विरोधी पक्ष आणि सत्ताधारी पक्षातीलच विरोधी गटांनी गुजरातचे तत्कालीन मुख्यमंत्री आणि शेंगदाणा आणि तेल व्यापारी यांच्यातील कृत्रिम टंचाई, साठेबाजी, तेलाचे दर वाढवणे याविषयी चालेलेल्या संभाषणाची टेप विद्यार्थ्यांना मिळेल अशी सोया केली.  विद्यार्थी पातळीवर सुरू झालेल्या या आंदोलनाची तीव्रता बघता बघता वाढत गेली. त्यात भ्रष्टाचार, सामाजिक असे अनेक घटक वाढत गेले. 

त्याच काळात पूर्वेकडे बिहारमध्ये अशीच विद्यार्थी आंदोलने सुरू झाली होती. त्यात राजकीय रंग चढत व्याप्ती वाढत गेली. ती विद्यार्थ्यांच्या आवाक्याबाहेर जायला लागली तेव्हा लोकनायक जयप्रकाश नारायण यांनी नेतृत्व स्वीकारले. त्यापुढे या आंदोलनाची व्याप्ती वाढत गेली. 

जयप्रकाश नारायण, राममनोहर लोहिया अशा समाजवादी धुरिणांमुळे आणि बिहार-उत्तर प्रदेशातील तत्कालीन विद्यार्थी नेत्यांच्या समाजवादी विचारसरणीमुळे या आंदोलनाला तो चेहरा प्राप्त झाला. त्याची परिणती पुढे जाऊन आणीबाणी, जनता पक्ष यात झाली. 

आंदोलनाची पुढची राजकीय वाटचाल कशीही झाली असली तरी त्यातून जे नेते पुढे आले त्यांत काही अपवाद वगळता इतर सर्वच व्यवस्थेचा भाग झाले. 

गुजरात मधील आंदोलनाचे सुरुवात करणारे नेते उमाकांत मांकड यांनी पुढे काँग्रेसमध्येच प्रवेश केला. ज्या काँग्रेस सरकारच्या भ्रष्टाचार वगैरेंच्या विरोधात त्यांनी रान उठवले होते त्याच पक्षात त्यांनी प्रवेश केला. त्यांची राजकीय कारकीर्द फारशी पुढे गेली नाही. 

उमाकांत मांकड यांना गुजरातमध्ये लोकांनी रस्त्यात गाठून प्रचंड चोप दिला होता. कारण त्यांच्याविषयी एक विश्वासघाताची भावना लोकांमध्ये पसरली होती. 

तीच गोष्ट उत्तर प्रदेश-बिहारची. मुलायम सिंग यादव, लालू प्रसाद यादव, नितीश कुमार, रविशंकर प्रसाद अशी काही नेते मंडळी या आंदोलनातून पुढे आली. लालू प्रसाद यादव, मुलायम सिंग यादव हेच पुढे भ्रष्टाचार शिरोमणी म्हणून गाजले.

आसाम आंदोलन : अस्मितेच्या लढ्यापासून सत्तेतील भ्रमनिरासापर्यंत

भारताच्या फाळणीने केवळ दोन राष्ट्रांची निर्मिती केली नाही, तर अनेक सीमावर्ती प्रदेशांसमोर दीर्घकालीन लोकसंख्यात्मक आणि राजकीय प्रश्नही निर्माण केले. 

फाळणीनंतर पूर्व पाकिस्तानातून आसाममध्ये स्थलांतर सुरु झाले आणि पुढील दोन दशकांत ते सातत्याने वाढत राहिले. १९७१ च्या बांगलादेश मुक्तियुद्धादरम्यान लाखो निर्वासितांनी आसामसह ईशान्य भारतात आश्रय घेतला. परिणामी, आसामी समाजात आपल्या भाषा, संस्कृती, जमीन आणि राजकीय प्रतिनिधित्वाबाबत असुरक्षिततेची भावना निर्माण झाली.

या असंतोषाला १९७९ मध्ये मंगलदोई लोकसभा मतदारसंघाच्या पोटनिवडणुकीच्या निमित्ताने ठिणगी मिळाली. मतदार यादीच्या पुनरिक्षणात मोठ्या प्रमाणावर संशयित बेकायदेशीर स्थलांतरितांची नावे आढळली. त्यातून ठिणगी पडली आणि त्यातून व्यापक विद्यार्थी आंदोलन उभे राहिले. 

ऑल आसाम स्टुडंट्स युनियन (AASU) आणि ऑल आसाम गणा संग्राम परिषद (AAGSP) यांच्या नेतृत्वाखाली, प्रफुल्ल कुमार महंत आणि भृगु कुमार फुकन हे या चळवळीचे प्रमुख चेहरे बनले. जवळपास सहा वर्षे चाललेल्या या आंदोलनाने सुरुवातीला गांधीवादी आणि शिस्तबद्ध पद्धतीचा अवलंब केला.

मात्र परिस्थिती जसजशी चिघळत गेली, तसतसे आंदोलन अधिक संघर्षमय बनले. १९८३ मध्ये केंद्र सरकारने विद्यमान मतदार यादीवर निवडणुका घेण्याचा निर्णय घेतल्यानंतर नेली येथे भीषण हत्याकांड घडले, ज्यामध्ये ६०० हून अधिक लोक, प्रामुख्याने बंगाली मुस्लिम वंशाचे नागरिक, मृत्युमुखी पडले. या घटनेने आंदोलनावर कायमची हिंसेची छाया पडली.

सहा वर्षांच्या संघर्षानंतर १५ ऑगस्ट १९८५ रोजी केंद्र सरकार आणि आंदोलनाच्या नेतृत्वामध्ये आसाम करार झाला. या करारानुसार २५ मार्च १९७१ नंतर आसाममध्ये आलेल्या बेकायदेशीर स्थलांतरितांची ओळख पटवून त्यांच्यावर कायदेशीर कारवाई करण्याचे मान्य करण्यात आले. त्यानंतर आंदोलनाच्या नेतृत्वाने आसाम गण परिषद (AGP) हा राजकीय पक्ष स्थापन केला आणि विधानसभा निवडणुकीत विजय मिळवत प्रफुल्ल महंत हे अवघ्या ३३ व्या वर्षी भारतातील सर्वात तरुण मुख्यमंत्री बनले.

मात्र सत्तेत आल्यानंतर आंदोलनाच्या अपेक्षा आणि शासनातील वास्तव यांच्यातील दरी स्पष्ट होत गेली. आसाम करारातील अनेक तरतुदी, विशेषतः बेकायदेशीर स्थलांतरितांचा प्रश्न आणि कलम ६ अंतर्गत आसामी जनतेच्या सांस्कृतिक व राजकीय हक्कांच्या संरक्षणाची हमी, पूर्णपणे अंमलात आली नाही. २०२० मध्ये कलम ६ संदर्भातील समितीने अहवाल सादर केला असला तरी त्याची अंमलबजावणी अद्याप झालेली नाही.

याच काळात युनायटेड लिबरेशन फ्रंट ऑफ आसाम (ULFA) या उग्रवादी संघटनेचा प्रभाव वाढला आणि राज्यातील हिंसाचार तीव्र झाला. प्रफुल्ल महंत यांच्या दुसऱ्या कार्यकाळात तथाकथित "गुप्त हत्या" (Secret Killings) प्रकरण समोर आले, ज्यामध्ये उल्फा समर्थकांच्या कुटुंबीयांच्या हत्यांचे आरोप राज्य यंत्रणेवर करण्यात आले. या घटनांमध्ये सुमारे ४०० लोक मृत्युमुखी पडल्याचे मानले जाते. के. एन. सैकिया आयोगाने महंत यांच्यावर जबाबदारी निश्चित केली होती; मात्र नंतर गुवाहाटी उच्च न्यायालयाने आयोगाची स्थापना वैध नसल्याचे ठरवले. या काळात भ्रष्टाचाराचे आरोप, अंतर्गत गटबाजी आणि पक्षातील फूट यांमुळे आसाम गण परिषदेची प्रतिमाही मलिन झाली.

भृगु कुमार फुकन यांचाही राजकीय प्रवास तितकाच चढ-उतारांचा ठरला. आसाम कराराचे प्रमुख स्वाक्षरीकर्ते आणि आंदोलनातील अग्रणी नेते असलेले फुकान पुढे महंत यांच्याशी मतभेद झाल्याने पक्षापासून दूर गेले. त्यांनी वेगवेगळ्या राजकीय आघाड्यांवर प्रयत्न केले; मात्र त्यांना अपेक्षित यश मिळाले नाही. २००६ मध्ये वयाच्या अवघ्या ४९ व्या वर्षी त्यांचे निधन झाले. एके काळी आसामच्या जनआंदोलनाचे प्रतीक असलेले नेतृत्व अखेरीस राजकीय संघर्ष, मतभेद आणि अपूर्ण अपेक्षांच्या ओझ्याखाली दबले गेले.

आसाम आंदोलनाने भारतीय राजकारणावर दीर्घकालीन प्रभाव टाकला. या आंदोलनातून एक प्रभावी प्रादेशिक पक्ष उदयास आला, सत्तांतर घडले आणि केंद्र सरकारला आसाम करार करावा लागला. परंतु ज्या स्थलांतराच्या प्रश्नावर आणि आसामी अस्मितेच्या संरक्षणासाठी हे आंदोलन उभे राहिले होते, तो प्रश्न आजही पूर्णपणे निकाली निघालेला नाही. अशा प्रकारे, सहा वर्षांच्या आंदोलनातून मिळालेला करार इतिहासात महत्त्वाचा ठरला, परंतु त्याची अपूर्ण अंमलबजावणी हा आसामच्या राजकारणातील आजही न सुटलेला प्रश्न राहिला.

मंडल: यादवी युद्धाची बीजे?

१९८० मध्ये मंडल आयोगाने इतर मागासवर्गीयांसाठी (ओबीसी) २७ टक्के आरक्षणाची शिफारस केली होती. हा अहवाल जवळपास दशकभर प्रलंबित राहिल्यानंतर, ७ ऑगस्ट १९९० रोजी पंतप्रधान व्ही.पी. सिंग यांनी त्याची अंमलबजावणी जाहीर केली. समर्थकांनी त्याचे स्वागत सामाजिक न्यायाच्या दिशेने ऐतिहासिक पाऊल म्हणून केले, तर विरोधकांनी तो राजकीय संधीसाधूपणाचा निर्णय असल्याची टीका केली.

या घोषणेनंतर विशेषतः उत्तर भारतात उच्चवर्णीय विद्यार्थ्यांचे तीव्र आंदोलन उभे राहिले. १९ सप्टेंबर १९९० रोजी दिल्लीतील देशबंधू महाविद्यालयाचा १९ वर्षीय विद्यार्थी राजीव गोस्वामी याने आत्मदहनाचा प्रयत्न केला आणि तो आंदोलनाचा चेहरा बनला. तज्ज्ञांच्या मते या आंदोलनात सुमारे २०० विद्यार्थ्यांनी आत्मदहनाचा प्रयत्न केला, त्यापैकी ६० हून अधिक जणांचा मृत्यू झाला.

मात्र आंदोलनाला अपेक्षित यश मिळाले नाही. १९९२ मध्ये सर्वोच्च न्यायालयाने इंद्रा साहनी निकालात 'क्रीमी लेयर'ची अट घालून ओबीसी आरक्षण कायम ठेवले, तर २००६ मध्ये त्याचा विस्तार उच्च शिक्षण संस्थांपर्यंत झाला. तथापि, या आंदोलनामुळे आरक्षणाचा प्रश्न राष्ट्रीय राजकारणाच्या केंद्रस्थानी आला आणि व्ही.पी. सिंग यांचे सरकारही सत्तेवरून पायउतार झाले.

मंडलनंतर उत्तर भारतीय राजकारणात जातीच्या समीकरणांना निर्णायक महत्त्व प्राप्त झाले. लालू प्रसाद यादव, मुलायम सिंह यादव, शरद यादव, रामविलास पासवान, नितीश कुमार आणि मायावती यांसारखे नेते या नव्या राजकीय वास्तवातून पुढे आले, तर भाजपने लालकृष्ण अडवाणी यांच्या रथयात्रेद्वारे "मंडल विरुद्ध कमंडल" हा नवा राजकीय संघर्ष उभा केला. तीन दशकांनंतरही ईडब्ल्यूएस आरक्षण, आणि सामाजिक न्याय पार्श्वभूमीवर आरक्षणाचा प्रश्न भारतीय राजकारणातील सर्वाधिक चर्चेचा विषय राहिला आहे. 

मंडल आंदोलनानंतर भारतीय विद्यार्थी राजकारणाचे स्वरूप बदलू लागले. १९९० च्या दशकात जात, सामाजिक न्याय आणि प्रतिनिधित्व हे विद्यार्थी चळवळींचे प्रमुख विषय बनले, तर पुढील दोन दशकांत उदारीकरण, इंटरनेट आणि सोशल मीडियाच्या विस्तारामुळे आंदोलनाची भाषा, माध्यमे आणि व्याप्ती बदलली. कॅम्पसपुरती मर्यादित राहणारी आंदोलने आता काही तासांत राष्ट्रीय चर्चेचा विषय बनू लागली. रस्त्यावरचे मोर्चे आणि सभांसोबतच ट्विटर, फेसबुक, यूट्यूब आणि व्हॉट्सअॅपवरील मोहिमाही आंदोलनाचा अविभाज्य भाग बनल्या. या नव्या डिजिटल युगातील विद्यार्थी राजकारणाचे सर्वात ठळक उदाहरण म्हणजे २०१६ मधील जेएनयू आंदोलन होय.

जेएनयू आंदोलन (२०१६): सोशल मीडिया युगातील विद्यार्थी राजकारणाची सुरुवात

२०१६ मधील जेएनयू आंदोलनाने भारतीय विद्यार्थी चळवळींच्या स्वरूपात एक महत्त्वाचा बदल घडवून आणला. दहशतवादी अफझल गुरूच्या फाशीविरोधात जेएनयू परिसरात झालेल्या कार्यक्रमानंतर कन्हैया कुमार, उमर खालिद आणि अनिर्बाण भट्टाचार्य यांच्यावर देशद्रोहाचे आरोप ठेवण्यात आले. मात्र हे आंदोलन केवळ विद्यापीठाच्या परिसरापुरते मर्यादित राहिले नाही; ते सोशल मीडियाच्या माध्यमातून काही तासांत राष्ट्रीय चर्चेचा विषय बनले.

अरब स्प्रिंगनंतर जगभरात डिजिटल माध्यमांनी आंदोलनांची व्याप्ती बदलली होती. भारतात जेएनयू आंदोलन हे त्या बदलाचे सर्वात ठळक उदाहरण ठरले. यूट्यूबवरील भाषणे, फेसबुक लाइव्ह, ट्विटर मोहिमा, व्हॉट्सअॅप संदेश आणि टीव्हीवरील अखंड चर्चांमुळे आंदोलनाचा प्रभाव कॅम्पसच्या भिंती ओलांडून देशभर पोहोचला. पारंपरिक विद्यार्थी संघटनांइतकीच डिजिटल उपस्थितीही आंदोलनाच्या यशाचा महत्त्वाचा घटक बनली. रस्त्यावरची निदर्शने आणि सोशल मीडियावरील कथानक यांचा परस्परपूरक वापर भारतीय विद्यार्थी राजकारणात प्रथमच इतक्या मोठ्या प्रमाणावर दिसून आला.

या आंदोलनातून पुढे आलेल्या नेतृत्वाचे प्रवास मात्र वेगवेगळ्या दिशांनी गेले. कन्हैया कुमार मुख्य प्रवाहातील राजकारणात प्रवेश करून काँग्रेसमध्ये दाखल झाला, तर उमर खालिदला २०२० मधील दिल्ली दंगलीच्या कटप्रकरणात यूएपीए अंतर्गत अटक करण्यात आली आणि त्यांचा खटला आजही न्यायप्रविष्ट आहे. शेहला रशीदने सक्रिय राजकारणातून माघार घेत पुढे आपल्या राजकीय भूमिकेतही बदल केला. या वेगवेगळ्या प्रवासांमधून विद्यार्थी नेतृत्वाची राजकीय वाटचाल किती गुंतागुंतीची असते, हे दिसून येते.

जेएनयू आंदोलनाचा सर्वात महत्त्वाचा वारसा मात्र त्याच्या नेत्यांपेक्षा वेगळा आहे. या आंदोलनानंतर सोशल मीडिया हा विद्यार्थी चळवळींचा अविभाज्य भाग बनला. आंदोलने आता केवळ विद्यापीठ परिसरात किंवा रस्त्यावर लढली जात नव्हती; ती मोबाईलच्या स्क्रीनवर, व्हायरल व्हिडिओंमध्ये, हॅशटॅग मोहिमांमध्ये आणि डिजिटल कथानकांमध्येही लढली जाऊ लागली. त्याचवेळी देशद्रोह आणि नंतर यूएपीएसारख्या कठोर कायद्यांच्या वापराबाबतही व्यापक राष्ट्रीय चर्चा सुरू झाली. समर्थकांच्या मते हे राष्ट्रीय सुरक्षेसाठी आवश्यक पाऊल होते, तर टीकाकारांच्या मते विद्यार्थी असहमतीचे गुन्हेगारीकरण होत असल्याचे हे उदाहरण होते. या वादामुळे भारतीय लोकशाहीतील अभिव्यक्ती स्वातंत्र्य, राष्ट्रीय सुरक्षा आणि विद्यार्थी राजकारण यांच्या मर्यादांवर नव्याने चर्चा सुरू झाली.

गुजरातची जातीय आंदोलने (२०१५–१६): आंदोलनापासून मुख्य प्रवाहातील राजकारणापर्यंत

२०१५–१६ दरम्यान गुजरातमध्ये तीन समांतर सामाजिक चळवळी उभ्या राहिल्या, हार्दिक पटेल यांच्या नेतृत्वाखाली पाटीदार आरक्षण आंदोलन, जिग्नेश मेवाणी यांच्या नेतृत्वाखाली दलित हक्क आंदोलन आणि अल्पेश ठाकोर यांच्या नेतृत्वाखाली ओबीसी-ठाकोर समाजाचे आंदोलन. या तिन्ही चळवळींनी तत्कालीन भाजप सरकारविरोधात असंतोष निर्माण केला आणि २०१७ च्या विधानसभा निवडणुकीत काँग्रेसला लक्षणीय बळ मिळाले.

मात्र पुढील काही वर्षांत या नेतृत्वाचे राजकीय मार्ग वेगळे झाले. हार्दिक पटेल आणि अल्पेश ठाकोर यांनी भाजपमध्ये प्रवेश केला आणि पुढे विधानसभा निवडणुका जिंकल्या, तर जिग्नेश मेवाणी यांनी विरोधी राजकारणाचा मार्ग स्वीकारत काँग्रेसमध्ये प्रवेश केला आणि सलग दुसऱ्यांदा आमदार म्हणून निवडून आले.

या तीन प्रवासांतून विद्यार्थी-तरुण आणि सामाजिक चळवळींसमोर उभा राहणारा एक महत्त्वाचा प्रश्न स्पष्ट होतो. आंदोलनातून पुढे आलेले नेतृत्व सत्तेच्या मुख्य प्रवाहात सहभागी होऊन आपल्या मागण्यांसाठी अधिक प्रभावीपणे काम करू शकते का, की त्यामुळे आंदोलनाचा मूळ हेतू मागे पडतो? 

हार्दिक पटेल आणि अल्पेश ठाकोर यांच्या राजकीय निर्णयांकडे काही जण व्यवहार्य राजकारण म्हणून पाहतात, तर टीकाकारांच्या मते त्यातून त्यांच्या मूळ आंदोलनांच्या मागण्या दुय्यम ठरल्या. दुसरीकडे, जिग्नेश मेवाणी यांनी विरोधी राजकारणात राहून दलित हक्कांचा मुद्दा सातत्याने मांडण्याचा प्रयत्न केला. गुजरातमधील या चळवळी दाखवून देतात की आंदोलनाचे यश केवळ त्याच्या उभारणीत नसते; त्यातून निर्माण झालेले नेतृत्व पुढे कोणती राजकीय दिशा स्वीकारते, यावरही त्याचे मूल्यमापन अवलंबून असते.

कॉक्रोच जनता पार्टी आणि दक्षिण आशियाचा संदर्भ

२०२६ मध्ये नीट प्रश्नपत्रिका गळतीच्या पार्श्वभूमीवर देशभर विद्यार्थ्यांमध्ये तीव्र असंतोष निर्माण झाला. या आंदोलनातून अभिजित दिपकेच्या नेतृत्वाखाली कॉक्रोच जनता पार्टी (CJP) हा नवा डिजिटल मंच उदयास आला. "कॉक्रोच" या अवमानकारक उल्लेखालाच आंदोलनाने प्रतिकाराचे प्रतीक बनवले. मीम्स, व्यंगचित्रे, रील आणि सोशल मीडियावरील मोहिमांच्या माध्यमातून काही दिवसांतच या चळवळीने लाखो तरुणांना जोडले. पारंपरिक विद्यार्थी संघटनांपेक्षा ही चळवळ डिजिटल माध्यमांवर उभी राहिल्यामुळे तिचा प्रसार अभूतपूर्व वेगाने झाला.

CJP ने रोजगार, परीक्षा व्यवस्था आणि शिक्षणातील पारदर्शकता यांसारख्या मुद्द्यांवर लक्ष केंद्रित करण्याचा प्रयत्न केला. "हिंदू-मुस्लिम राजकारणाऐवजी रोजगार आणि शिक्षणावर चर्चा व्हावी," हा या आंदोलनाचा प्रमुख संदेश होता. त्याचवेळी, आंदोलनादरम्यान काही समर्थकांकडून वापरली गेलेली आक्रमक, अपमानास्पद आणि राजकीय सभ्यतेच्या मर्यादा ओलांडणारी भाषा वादाचा विषय ठरली. लोकशाहीतील असहमतीला स्थान असले तरी वैचारिक संघर्ष हा सभ्य भाषेतच व्हायला हवा, ही लोकशाहीची मूलभूत अपेक्षा आहे.

काही भाषणांमध्ये आणि घोषणांमध्ये "संसद उखडून टाकू" अशा स्वरूपाची भाषा देखील ऐकायला मिळाली. अशा प्रकारची भाषा केवळ संसदीय लोकशाहीच्या भावनेलाच धक्का देणारी नाही, तर आंदोलनाच्या नैतिक अधिष्ठानालाही कमकुवत करते. संसद, न्यायालये किंवा इतर घटनात्मक संस्था यांच्यावर टीका करणे हा लोकशाही अधिकार आहे; मात्र त्या संस्था उद्ध्वस्त करण्याचे किंवा हिंसक भाषेचे समर्थन करणे कोणत्याही लोकशाही आंदोलनाच्या चौकटीत ग्राह्य धरता येणार नाही.

या घडामोडींची पार्श्वभूमी समजून घेताना भारताच्या शेजारील देशांकडेही पाहावे लागते. श्रीलंकेतील 'अरागलाया' आंदोलनाने २०२२ मध्ये राष्ट्रपती गोताबाया राजपक्षे यांना पदत्याग करण्यास भाग पाडले. २०२४ मध्ये बांगलादेशातील विद्यार्थी आंदोलनानंतर शेख हसीना यांना देश सोडावा लागला. नेपाळमध्ये २०२५ मधील आंदोलनाने हिंसक वळण घेत संसदेवर हल्ले, सरकारी इमारतींची जाळपोळ आणि पोलिस गोळीबारासारख्या घटना घडल्या. सोशल मीडिया आणि डिजिटल नेटवर्किंगमुळे या आंदोलनांनी एकमेकांकडून प्रेरणा घेतल्याचे स्पष्ट दिसून आले.

भारतातील परिस्थिती मात्र अद्याप वेगळी आहे. येथे विद्यार्थी आंदोलने घटनात्मक चौकटीतच राहावीत, अशी व्यापक अपेक्षा आहे. त्यामुळे कोणत्याही आंदोलनाचे मूल्यमापन त्याच्या लोकप्रियतेवर नव्हे, तर ते लोकशाही मूल्ये, अहिंसा आणि घटनात्मक मर्यादा किती जपते यावरच व्हायला हवे.

निष्कर्ष : रस्ता संपला की खरी वाटचाल सुरू होते

स्वतंत्र भारतातील विद्यार्थी चळवळींचा सात दशकांचा इतिहास एक महत्त्वाचा धडा शिकवतो, आंदोलन उभे करणे हे नेतृत्वाचे पहिले यश असते; पण आंदोलनानंतरही मूळ ध्येयाशी प्रामाणिक राहणे हीच त्याची खरी परीक्षा असते.

नवनिर्माणापासून आसाम, मंडल, जेएनयू आणि डिजिटल युगातील नव्या चळवळींपर्यंत प्रत्येक आंदोलनाने समाजात प्रश्न उपस्थित केले, सरकारांना निर्णय घ्यायला भाग पाडले आणि सार्वजनिक चर्चेची दिशा बदलली. मात्र अनेकदा आंदोलनाचा मूळ मुद्दा मागे पडला आणि नेतृत्व मुख्य प्रवाहातील राजकारणात वेगवेगळ्या तडजोडी करत गेले.

सोशल मीडियाने आंदोलनांचे स्वरूप आमूलाग्र बदलले आहे. आज एखादा हॅशटॅग, व्हिडिओ किंवा मीम काही तासांत राष्ट्रीय चर्चेचा विषय बनू शकतो. परंतु आंदोलनाचे खरे यश त्याच्या डिजिटल लोकप्रियतेत नसून, त्या ऊर्जेचे विधायक सामाजिक आणि संस्थात्मक परिवर्तनात रूपांतर करण्यामध्ये आहे. 

आक्रोश, आक्रमक भाषा किंवा "संसद उखडून टाकू" अशा घोषणा क्षणिक टाळ्या मिळवू शकतात; परंतु लोकशाहीत बदल घडविण्याचा मार्ग घटनात्मक संस्थांमधून आणि विधायक कृतीतूनच जातो.

महात्मा गांधींनी म्हटले होते, "विधायक कार्य अवघड असते, कमी आकर्षक असते." आंदोलनानंतर सुरू होणारा हाच विधायक टप्पा नेतृत्वाची खरी कसोटी ठरतो. इतिहास सांगतो की घोषणा काळाच्या ओघात विरून जातात, पण समाजात शाश्वत परिवर्तन घडवणारे कार्यच टिकून राहते.

म्हणूनच आजचा प्रश्न असा नाही की नवीन पिढी आंदोलन करू शकते का, ती निश्चितच करू शकते. खरा प्रश्न असा आहे की आंदोलनानंतर ती सत्तेच्या मोहापेक्षा समाजपरिवर्तनाला प्राधान्य देईल का? या प्रश्नाचे उत्तरच भारतातील पुढील विद्यार्थी चळवळींचे भविष्य ठरवेल.


Thursday, 30 July 2026

Students Movements in Independent Bharat

 

Studenthood, by its very name, embodies energy, an energy that questions, challenges, and rebels. 

The spirit of inquiry has always been central to the Indian tradition of learning. Classical Indian education did not discourage dissent; rather, it nurtured it. Profound philosophical ideas were explored and refined through dialogues between teachers and disciples, where questioning was regarded as an essential path to knowledge.

As society evolved, the scope of student dissent expanded beyond academic concerns. Students increasingly began questioning broader political and social issues, giving rise to movements that reshaped nations across the world. Some succeeded in achieving their objectives, others faded away, while a few fundamentally transformed political systems.

On the eve of Bharat's Independence, Mahatma Gandhi had remarked that if the governments of a free Bharat failed to govern justly, the generation born after Independence would question and challenge the system. He even declared that he would stand with such a generation.

History unfolded much as Gandhi had anticipated. The first generation of independent Bharat, particularly its students, ignited one of the country's most influential mass movements. What began as a student protest soon evolved into a nationwide democratic uprising that ultimately culminated in the Emergency and profoundly altered Bharat's political landscape. This movement came to be known as the Navnirman Movement.

The Navnirman Movement: From Student Protest to Political Revolution

The year was 1973–74. The immediate trigger appeared almost insignificant.

The administration of the Lalbhai Dalpatbhai (LD) College of Engineering in Gujarat announced an increase in hostel mess charges, citing rising prices of groundnut oil. Ironically, that very year Gujarat had witnessed a bumper groundnut harvest, the state's principal cash crop.

Basic economic principles would suggest that an increase in supply should reduce prices, provided demand remains constant. Yet prices continued to rise because of widespread black marketing, hoarding, artificial shortages, and monopolistic practices that had become entrenched under the prevailing system. 

Students quickly recognized the contradiction and launched protests against what they viewed as corruption and administrative dishonesty.

Soon, political interests entered the agitation. Opposition parties and rival factions within the ruling Congress allegedly facilitated the circulation of an audio recording that purportedly revealed conversations between Gujarat's Chief Minister and influential groundnut and edible oil traders regarding hoarding, artificial scarcity, and price manipulation.

What had begun as a campus-level protest rapidly expanded into a statewide movement. Allegations of corruption became intertwined with broader demands for accountability, transparency, and political reform.

At roughly the same time, a similar wave of student protests emerged in neighbouring Bihar. As the movement grew beyond the organisational capacity of the students themselves, veteran socialist leader Jayaprakash Narayan assumed leadership. Under his guidance, the movement evolved into a nationwide campaign against corruption and authoritarianism.

The ideological influence of socialist thinkers such as Jayaprakash Narayan and Ram Manohar Lohia, along with the socialist orientation of many student leaders from Bihar and Uttar Pradesh, gave the movement its distinctive political identity. 

Ultimately, these developments paved the way for the declaration of the Emergency in 1975, followed by the emergence of the Janata Party and India's first non-Congress government at the Centre.

Yet the political trajectory of many leaders who emerged from these movements revealed a striking irony.

Many eventually became part of the very political establishment they had once opposed.

One of the principal architects of Gujarat's Navnirman Movement, Umakant Mankad, later joined the Congress Party, the very organisation against whose alleged corruption he had mobilised public opinion. His political career never achieved lasting prominence, and public disappointment was so intense that he was reportedly assaulted by angry citizens who viewed his decision as an act of betrayal.

The story was remarkably similar in Bihar and Uttar Pradesh. Leaders such as Mulayam Singh Yadav, Lalu Prasad Yadav, Nitish Kumar, and Ravi Shankar Prasad emerged from the movement. 

While several went on to occupy the highest offices of public life, some, including Lalu Prasad Yadav and Mulayam Singh Yadav, later faced serious allegations of corruption, becoming symbols of the very political culture they had once vowed to eradicate.

The Navnirman Movement thus demonstrated both the extraordinary power and the inherent paradox of student-led politics: movements may overthrow governments, but their leaders often struggle to remain faithful to their original ideals once they become part of the system.

 The Assam Movement: From Identity Politics to the Burden of Governance

The Partition of India did more than create two independent nations. It also produced enduring demographic and political challenges for India's border states, none more significant than Assam.

Migration from East Pakistan into Assam began soon after Partition and continued steadily over the following decades. During the Bangladesh Liberation War of 1971, millions of refugees crossed into northeastern India, intensifying anxieties among the Assamese population regarding the preservation of their language, culture, land, and political representation.

This growing discontent found a catalyst in 1979 during a by-election in the Mangaldoi Lok Sabha constituency. A revision of the electoral rolls reportedly uncovered a large number of suspected illegal immigrants registered as voters. The issue sparked widespread outrage and quickly developed into a powerful student movement.

The agitation was spearheaded by the All Assam Students' Union (AASU) and the All Assam Gana Sangram Parishad (AAGSP). Prafulla Kumar Mahanta and Bhrigu Kumar Phukan emerged as its principal leaders. For nearly six years, the movement largely adhered to disciplined, Gandhian methods of protest.

However, as tensions escalated, the movement became increasingly confrontational.

The turning point came in 1983 when the Central Government decided to conduct elections using the existing electoral rolls despite the ongoing agitation. The decision culminated in the horrific Nellie Massacre, in which more than 600 people, predominantly Bengali Muslims, were killed. The tragedy permanently cast a shadow of violence over the movement.

After six years of sustained agitation, the Central Government and the movement's leadership signed the Assam Accord on 15 August 1985. The agreement provided that illegal immigrants who had entered Assam after 25 March 1971 would be identified and dealt with under the law.

Following the accord, the movement's leaders established the Asom Gana Parishad (AGP) as a political party. The party secured a decisive victory in the Assembly elections, and Prafulla Kumar Mahanta, at just thirty-three years of age, became India's youngest Chief Minister.

Yet governing proved far more difficult than protesting.

The gap between the movement's aspirations and the realities of administration became increasingly evident. Several key provisions of the Assam Accord, including the identification of illegal immigrants and the constitutional safeguards promised under Clause 6 for protecting Assamese cultural and political rights, remained only partially implemented. Although a committee submitted its report on Clause 6 in 2020, many of its recommendations have yet to be acted upon.

During this period, the militant organisation United Liberation Front of Asom (ULFA) gained strength, and insurgency-related violence intensified across the state.

Mahanta's second tenure as Chief Minister became particularly controversial because of the alleged "Secret Killings", in which family members of suspected ULFA sympathisers were reportedly murdered. Approximately 400 people are believed to have died in these incidents. The K. N. Saikia Commission attributed responsibility to Mahanta, although the Gauhati High Court later ruled that the Commission itself had not been validly constituted.

Simultaneously, allegations of corruption, factionalism, and internal divisions weakened the AGP's credibility.

The political journey of Bhrigu Kumar Phukan followed a similarly turbulent path. A principal signatory to the Assam Accord and one of the movement's foremost leaders, he later fell out with Mahanta and drifted away from the party. Despite several political initiatives, he never regained his earlier influence and died in 2006 at the age of forty-nine.

The Assam Movement nevertheless left a lasting imprint on Indian politics. It produced one of the country's most significant regional political parties, transformed Assam's political landscape, and compelled the Union Government to negotiate a historic accord.

Yet the central issue that had inspired the movement, the challenge of illegal immigration and the protection of Assamese identity, remains only partially resolved.

In that sense, the Assam Movement stands as both a remarkable political achievement and a reminder that even historic agreements can remain incomplete if their promises are not fully implemented. 

The Mandal Movement: Sowing the Seeds of a Social and Political Divide?

In 1980, the Mandal Commission recommended a 27 per cent reservation for Other Backward Classes (OBCs) in public employment. Although the report remained dormant for nearly a decade, Prime Minister V. P. Singh announced its implementation on 7 August 1990.

Supporters hailed the decision as a historic milestone in the pursuit of social justice and greater representation for historically disadvantaged communities. Critics, however, dismissed it as an act of political expediency aimed at consolidating electoral support.

The announcement triggered an unprecedented wave of student protests, particularly across northern India. The movement drew overwhelming participation from students belonging to upper-caste communities who believed that the policy would diminish opportunities based on merit.

On 19 September 1990, Rajiv Goswami, a nineteen-year-old student of Deshbandhu College in Delhi, attempted self-immolation in protest. Images of his act became the defining symbol of the anti-Mandal agitation. According to estimates, nearly 200 students attempted self-immolation, with more than sixty reportedly losing their lives during the course of the protests.

Despite its intensity, the movement failed to reverse the policy.

In 1992, the Supreme Court, through its landmark Indra Sawhney judgment, upheld reservations for OBCs while introducing the concept of the 'creamy layer', excluding the economically advanced sections within backward classes from reservation benefits. In 2006, reservation for OBCs was further extended to centrally funded institutions of higher education.

Although the agitation did not achieve its immediate objective, it fundamentally altered India's political discourse.

Reservation became one of the defining issues of national politics, and the controversy contributed significantly to the fall of the V. P. Singh government.

The post-Mandal era also transformed the political landscape of northern India. Caste equations emerged as the central axis of electoral politics, giving rise to leaders such as Lalu Prasad Yadav, Mulayam Singh Yadav, Sharad Yadav, Ram Vilas Paswan, Nitish Kumar, and Mayawati.

Simultaneously, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) responded by launching L. K. Advani's Rath Yatra, creating what came to be described as the political contest between "Mandal versus Kamandal" a struggle between caste-based social justice politics and religious mobilisation.

More than three decades later, debates surrounding reservation, including issues such as the Economically Weaker Sections (EWS) quota and the broader meaning of social justice, continue to occupy the centre stage of Indian politics.

The Mandal Movement also marked a turning point in student politics. Questions of caste, representation, and social justice became dominant themes across campuses. In the decades that followed, economic liberalisation, the internet, and eventually social media fundamentally changed both the methods and the reach of student activism.

Movements that once remained confined within university campuses could now become matters of national debate within hours. Street demonstrations were increasingly complemented by campaigns on Twitter, Facebook, YouTube, and WhatsApp.

The most significant example of this new era of digitally connected student politics emerged in 2016 at Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU).

The JNU Movement (2016): The Beginning of Social Media-Era Student Politics

The 2016 JNU movement marked a decisive transformation in the character of student politics in India.
The controversy began after an event organised on the university campus protesting the execution of convicted terrorist Afzal Guru. Following the programme, student leaders Kanhaiya Kumar, Umar Khalid, and Anirban Bhattacharya were charged with sedition.

What distinguished the movement, however, was not merely the legal controversy but the manner in which it unfolded.

Unlike earlier student agitations that largely remained confined to university campuses, the JNU protests became a nationwide political debate within hours through the unprecedented influence of social media.

Globally, the Arab Spring had already demonstrated how digital platforms could reshape mass mobilisation. In India, the JNU movement became one of the clearest examples of this transformation.
Speeches uploaded on YouTube, Facebook Live broadcasts, Twitter campaigns, WhatsApp forwards, and continuous television debates carried the movement far beyond the boundaries of the university campus. Digital visibility became almost as important as organisational strength.

For the first time in Indian student politics, street protests and digital narratives functioned as complementary instruments of mobilisation on such a large scale.

The subsequent political journeys of the movement's principal leaders, however, diverged considerably.
Kanhaiya Kumar entered mainstream politics and eventually joined the Indian National Congress.

Umar Khalid was arrested under the Unlawful Activities (Prevention) Act (UAPA) in connection with the alleged conspiracy behind the 2020 Delhi riots, and his case continues to remain before the courts.
Shehla Rashid, another prominent student activist associated with the movement, gradually withdrew from active politics and later underwent a noticeable shift in her political positions.

These contrasting trajectories underscore the complexity of student leadership after movements conclude. Activists often confront difficult choices between remaining within protest politics, entering electoral politics, or withdrawing from public life altogether.

Yet, the most enduring legacy of the JNU movement lies not in the careers of its leaders but in its transformation of the nature of student activism itself.

Following JNU, social media became an indispensable component of student movements. Political contests were no longer fought solely through rallies, demonstrations, or campus debates. They increasingly unfolded on smartphone screens, through viral videos, trending hashtags, digital campaigns, and online narratives.

The movement also triggered an intense national debate over the application of sedition laws, and later the use of stringent legislation such as the UAPA. Supporters argued that such laws were necessary to safeguard national security and preserve public order. Critics, on the other hand, contended that these legal provisions risked criminalising student dissent and narrowing the democratic space for disagreement.

The controversy reopened fundamental questions concerning the balance between freedom of expression, national security, constitutional democracy, and the legitimate role of student politics in a pluralistic society.

The JNU movement thus represents more than a campus protest. It marks the beginning of a new era in which digital communication fundamentally reshaped the organisation, visibility, and political consequences of student movements in India.

The Gujarat Agitations (2015–16): From Street Mobilisation to Mainstream Politics

Between 2015 and 2016, Gujarat witnessed three parallel social movements that significantly altered the state's political landscape.

The first was the Patidar reservation movement, led by Hardik Patel, demanding inclusion of the Patidar community within the reservation framework. The second was the Dalit rights movement, spearheaded by Jignesh Mevani, following widespread outrage over atrocities against Dalits. The third was the OBC–Thakor movement, led by Alpesh Thakor, focusing on the concerns of the OBC and Thakor communities.

Collectively, these movements generated widespread public dissatisfaction with the then BJP government and provided considerable political momentum to the Congress during the 2017 Gujarat Assembly elections.

However, the political trajectories of their leaders diverged dramatically over the following years.

Hardik Patel and Alpesh Thakor eventually joined the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and later won Assembly elections as members of the ruling party. Jignesh Mevani, on the other hand, continued in opposition politics, aligned himself with the Indian National Congress, and secured re-election as a Member of the Legislative Assembly.

These contrasting journeys highlight one of the central dilemmas confronting youth-led and social movements.

Should leaders emerging from mass agitations join the political establishment to pursue their demands from within the system? Or does such a transition inevitably dilute the ideals that inspired the movement in the first place?

Supporters regard the decisions of Hardik Patel and Alpesh Thakor as examples of pragmatic politics, arguing that meaningful change often requires participation in governance. Critics, however, contend that their entry into the ruling establishment weakened the original objectives of the movements they once led.

By contrast, Jignesh Mevani chose to remain in opposition, continuing to foreground issues of Dalit rights and social justice.

The Gujarat agitations illustrate that the success of a movement cannot be judged solely by the scale of its mobilisation. Equally important is the political direction adopted by the leadership once the protests subside.

The Cockroach Janata Party and the South Asian Context

In 2026, the alleged leak of the NEET examination paper triggered widespread anger among students across India. Against this backdrop emerged a new digital platform known as the Cockroach Janata Party (CJP) under the leadership of Abhijit Dipke.

Interestingly, the movement appropriated the derogatory term "cockroach", transforming it into a symbol of resistance.

Unlike traditional student organisations, the CJP relied almost entirely on digital mobilisation. Memes, satirical cartoons, short videos, social media campaigns, and online activism enabled the movement to attract hundreds of thousands of young supporters within a remarkably short period.

The platform sought to shift public discourse away from identity-based politics towards issues such as employment, examination reforms, and transparency in education.

Its central message was straightforward: "Instead of reducing every political debate to Hindu-Muslim divisions, India must focus on employment and education."

At the same time, sections of the movement attracted criticism for the aggressive and abusive language used by some of its supporters on social media. While democratic societies must accommodate dissent and criticism, public discourse, particularly during political mobilisation, is expected to remain within the bounds of civility.

Some speeches and slogans reportedly included calls to "bring down Parliament" or employed similarly confrontational rhetoric.

Such language, the argument goes, not only undermines the spirit of parliamentary democracy but also weakens the moral legitimacy of the movement itself. Criticising Parliament, the judiciary, or other constitutional institutions is an accepted democratic right; advocating their destruction or encouraging violent rhetoric falls outside the accepted framework of constitutional politics.

Understanding these developments also requires placing India within the broader South Asian context.

In Sri Lanka, the Aragalaya Movement of 2022 forced President Gotabaya Rajapaksa to resign amidst an unprecedented economic crisis.

In Bangladesh, widespread student protests in 2024 eventually compelled Sheikh Hasina to leave the country.

In Nepal, protests in 2025 turned violent, resulting in attacks on Parliament, arson against government buildings, and police firing.

These movements demonstrated how social media and digital networking increasingly allow protest movements to draw inspiration from one another across national boundaries.

India's situation, however, remains distinct.

There continues to be a broad expectation that student movements should operate within the framework of the Constitution and democratic institutions. Consequently, the success of any movement should be measured not merely by its popularity or online reach, but by the extent to which it upholds democratic values, non-violence, and constitutional norms.

Conclusion: The Real Journey Begins After the Protest Ends

The seven-decade history of student movements in independent India offers one enduring lesson:

Launching a movement is only the first achievement of leadership. Remaining faithful to its original ideals after the movement ends is the true test.

From the Navnirman Movement to Assam, Mandal, JNU, and the new digitally driven movements of the twenty-first century, every major student movement has compelled governments to respond, influenced public debate, and reshaped the political conversation.

Yet history also reveals a recurring pattern.

More often than not, the original causes gradually receded into the background as many leaders entered mainstream politics, where compromise became inevitable.

The rise of social media has fundamentally transformed the nature of protest. Today, a hashtag, a viral video, or an internet meme can dominate national discourse within hours.

But the true measure of a movement lies not in its digital popularity or viral reach. Its lasting success depends upon whether that energy is ultimately converted into constructive institutional and social reform.

Anger, inflammatory rhetoric, or slogans calling for the overthrow of Parliament may attract momentary applause, but democratic transformation can only be achieved through constitutional institutions and sustained constructive action.

Mahatma Gandhi once observed: "Constructive work is difficult. It is less attractive."

It is precisely this constructive phase, beginning after the protests have ended, that ultimately determines the quality of leadership.

History demonstrates that slogans fade with time. What endures is the work that creates lasting change in society.

The question before India today, therefore, is not whether a new generation is capable of organising powerful student movements. It undoubtedly is.

The more important question is whether that generation, once the protests conclude, will choose the difficult path of nation-building over the temptations of political power.

The answer to that question will shape the future of student movements in India for decades to come.

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